Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America — Text and Context

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Burke, Edmund, 1729-1797, Newsom, Sidney Carleton, 1863- [Editor] Project Gutenberg 2004 Not confirmed
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; Great Britain -- Colonies -- America -- Early works to 1800 Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 36,274
Reading time 158 min
Text sections 5

For Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America — Text and Context, the stored edition analysis reports 36,274 words, 2 hr 38 min estimated reading time, and 5 detected text sections.

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Edmund Burke's 1775 speech arguing for conciliation with the American colonies, presented here with an editor's introduction and notes by Sidney Carleton Newsom. The text reveals Burke's rhetorical strategy of setting aside legal rights to focus on policy and practical consequences.
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Colonists were not allowed to exchange certain articles without paying duties thereon, and custom houses were established and officers appointed. Opposition to these proceedings was ineffectual; and in 1696, in order to expedite the business of taxation, and to establish a better method of ruling the colonies, a board was appointed, called the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations. The royal governors found in this board ready sympathizers, and were not slow to report their grievances, and to insist upon more stringent regulations for enforcing obedience. Some of the retaliative measures employed were the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, the abridgment of the freedom of the press and the prohibition of elections. But the colonists generally succeeded in having their own way in the end, and were not wholly without encouragement and sympathy in the English Parliament. It may be that the war with France, which ended with the fall of Quebec, had much to do with this rather generous treatment. The Americans, too, were favored by the Whigs, who had been in power for more than seventy years. The policy of this great party was not opposed to the sentiments and ideas of political freedom that had grown up in the colonies; and, although more than half of the Navigation Acts were passed by Whig governments, the leaders had known how to wink at the violation of nearly all of them.

Immediately after the close of the French war, and after George III. had ascended the throne of England, it was decided to enforce the Navigation Acts rigidly. There was to be no more smuggling, and, to prevent this, Writs of Assistance were issued. Armed with such authority, a servant of the king might enter the home of any citizen, and make a thorough search for smuggled goods. It is needless to say the measure was resisted vigorously, and its reception by the colonists, and its effect upon them, has been called the opening scene of the American Revolution. As a matter of fact, this sudden change in the attitude of England toward the colonies, marks the beginning of the policy of George III. which, had it been successful, would have made him the ruler of an absolute instead of a limited monarchy. He hated the Tories only less than the Whigs, and when he bestowed a favor upon either, it was for the purpose of weakening the other. The first task he set himself was that of crushing the Whigs. Since the Revolution of 1688, they had dictated the policy of the English government, and through wise leaders had become supreme in authority. They were particularly obnoxious to him because of their republican spirit, and he regarded their ascendency as a constant menace to his kingly power. Fortune seemed to favor him in the dissensions which arose. There grew up two factions in the Whig party. There were old Whigs and new Whigs. George played one against the other, advanced his favorites when opportunity offered, and in the end succeeded in forming a ministry composed of his friends and obedient to his will.

With the ministry safely in hand, he turned his attention to the House of Commons. The old Whigs had set an example, which George was shrewd enough to follow. Walpole and Newcastle had succeeded in giving England one of the most peaceful and prosperous governments within in the previous history of the nation, but their methods were corrupt. With much of the judgment, penetration and wise forbearance which marks a statesman, Walpole's distinctive qualities of mind eminently fitted him for political intrigue; Newcastle was still worse, and has the distinction of being the premier under whose administration the revolt against official corruption first received the support of the public.

For near a hundred years, the territorial distribution of seats in the House had remained the same, while the centres of population had shifted along with those of trade and new industries. Great towns were without representation, while boroughs, such as Old Sarum, without a single voter, still claimed, and had, a seat in Parliament. Such districts, or "rotten boroughs," were owned and controlled by many of the great landowners. Both Walpole and Newcastle resorted to the outright purchase of these seats, and when the time came George did not shrink from doing the same thing. He went even further. All preferments of whatsoever sort were bestowed upon those who would do his bidding, and the business of bribery assumed such proportions that an office was opened at the Treasury for this purpose, from which twenty-five thousand pounds are said to have passed in a single day. Parliament had been for a long time only partially representative of the people; it now ceased to be so almost completely.

Edmund Burke's speech on conciliation with America, delivered in the House of Commons on March 22, 1775, is presented in this edition with an introduction and notes by Sidney Carleton Newsom. The editor's preface states that the introduction aims to supply background for students without access to a well-stocked library. The speech itself is a sustained argument for conceding to colonial complaints, particularly regarding taxation without representation. Burke explicitly sets aside the question of Parliament's legal right to tax, calling it a 'Serbonian bog' where armies have sunk, and instead confines his consideration to 'the policy of the question.'

Burke's Deliberate Avoidance of Legal Rights

Burke makes a striking rhetorical move early in the speech: he declares he will have 'nothing at all to do with the question of the right of taxation.' He dismisses the deep legal debates as 'profound' but ultimately perplexing, where 'reason is perplexed, and an appeal to authorities only thickens the confusion.' Instead, he reframes the issue as one of policy and interest: 'The question with me is, not whether you have a right to render your people miserable, but whether it is not your interest to make them happy.' This shift from legal to pragmatic reasoning is central to his argument. He asks what has been gained by menaces, penal laws, and military force, and answers that 'the disorder' has not abated. The speech thus becomes a case for concession based on expediency rather than abstract right.

The Catalog Subjects and the Speech's Actual Focus

The catalog subjects list 'United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783' and 'Great Britain -- Colonies -- America -- Early works to 1800,' which accurately place the speech in its historical context. However, the excerpts show that Burke's focus is not on narrating events but on persuading his audience through a specific rhetorical strategy. He does not detail the history of colonial grievances; rather, he assumes his listeners know them and argues for a particular response. The editor's introduction, by contrast, provides a chronological account of the Navigation Acts and colonial resistance, which is absent from the speech itself. Readers should note that the speech is a persuasive performance, not a historical survey, and its power lies in its argumentative structure and stylistic choices.

Rhetorical Devices and Imagery in the Excerpts

Burke employs vivid imagery and rhetorical questions to press his case. He refers to the 'Serbonian bog'—a reference to Milton's Paradise Lost—to characterize the legal debate as a treacherous swamp. He asks, 'Is a politic act the worse for being a generous one?' and contrasts what a lawyer says he 'MAY do' with what 'humanity, reason, and justice tell me I OUGHT to do.' The speech also uses repetition for emphasis: 'They complain that they have not the characteristic mark and seal of British freedom. They complain that they are taxed in a Parliament in which they are not represented.' These devices create a rhythm that reinforces his call for concession. The excerpts show a speaker carefully balancing logical argument with emotional appeal, all within the formal constraints of parliamentary oratory.

The Editor's Role in Shaping the Text

Sidney Carleton Newsom, identified as a teacher at Manual Training High School in Indianapolis, frames the speech with an introduction, footnotes, and a bibliography. The preface indicates the edition is designed for students who lack access to extensive libraries. The introduction provides background on the political situation, including the Navigation Acts and the role of the Whigs, but does not analyze Burke's rhetoric in depth. The table of contents lists sections on Burke as a statesman, groups of writers before and after him, and topics for special reports, suggesting the edition is intended for classroom use. Readers should be aware that the editorial apparatus may shape their understanding, particularly by emphasizing historical context over the speech's literary qualities.

Readers approaching Burke's speech should attend to its argumentative structure and rhetorical tactics rather than expecting a comprehensive historical account. The editor's introduction supplies useful context, but the speech itself rewards close reading of how Burke constructs his case. Notice how he frames the choice as one between punishment and conciliation, and how he uses concrete examples of failed coercion to support his call for concession. This edition offers a reliable text for studying one of the 18th century's most notable parliamentary addresses.

Reading Burke’s speech, I kept thinking how his careful, patient tone—setting aside rights for practical ground—reminded me of the quiet ease in The Sunny Side of Diplomatic Life, 1875-1912 — A Reader’s Guide, where diplomacy feels less like argument and more like weather. Both share that unhurried trust in civility.

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