An Essay on the Trial By Jury — Themes and Context
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CHAPTER I. THE RIGHT OF JURIES TO JUDGE OF THE JUSTICE OF LAWS SECTION 1. SECTION 2.
CHAPTER II. THE TRIAL BY JURY, AS DEFINED BY MAGNA CARTA SECTION 1. The History Of Magna Carta SECTION 2. The Language Of Magna Carta
CHAPTER III. ADDITIONAL PROOFS OF THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF JURORS. SECTION 1. Weakness of the Regal Authority SECTION 2. The Ancient Common Law Juries Were Mere Courts Of Conscience SECTION 3. The Oaths of Jurors SECTION 4. The Right Of Jurors To Fix The Sentence SECTION 5. The Oaths Of Judges SECTION 6. The Coronation Oath
CHAPTER IV. THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF JURIES IN CIVIL SUITS
CHAPTER V. OBJECTIONS ANSWERED
CHAPTER VI. JURIES OF THE PRESENT DAY ILLEGAL
CHAPTER VII. ILLEGAL JUDGES
CHAPTER VIII. THE FREE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
CHAPTER IX. THE CRIMINAL INTENT
CHAPTER X. MORAL CONSIDERATIONS FOR JURORS
CHAPTER XI. AUTHORITY OF MAGNA CARTA
CHAPTER XII. LIMITATIONS IMPOSED UPON THE MAJORITY BY THE TRIAL BY JURY
THE RIGHT OF JURIES TO JUDGE OF THE JUSTICE OF LAWS
FOR more than six hundred years that is, since Magna Carta, in 1215 there has been no clearer principle of English or American constitutional law, than that, in criminal cases, it is not only the right and duty of juries to judge what are the facts, what is the law, and what was the moral intent of the accused; but that it is also their right, and their primary and paramount duty, to judge of the justice of the law, and to hold all laws invalid, that are, in their opinion, unjust or oppressive, and all persons guiltless in violating, or resisting the execution of, such laws.
Unless such be the right and duty of jurors, it is plain that, instead of juries being a "palladium of liberty" a barrier against the tyranny and oppression of the government they are really mere tools in its hands, for carrying into execution any injustice and oppression it may desire to have executed.
But for their right to judge of the law, and the justice of the law, juries would be no protection to an accused person, even as to matters of fact; for, if the government can dictate to a jury any law whatever, in a criminal case, it can certainly dictate to them the laws of evidence. That is, it can dictate what evidence is admissible, and what inadmissible, and also what force or weight is to be given to the evidence admitted. And if the government can thus dictate to a jury the laws of evidence, it can not only make it necessary for them to convict on a partial exhibition of the evidence rightfully pertaining to the case, but it can even require them to convict on any evidence whatever that it pleases to offer them.
That the rights and duties of jurors must necessarily be such as are here claimed for them, will be evident when it is considered what the trial by jury is, and what is its object.
"The trial by jury," then, is a "trial by the country" that is, by the people as distinguished from a trial by the government.
It was anciently called "trial per pais" that is, "trial by the country." And now, in every criminal trial, the jury are told that the accused "has, for trial, put himself upon the country; which country you (the jury) are."
The object of this trial "by the country," or by the people, in preference to a trial by the government, is to guard against every species of oppression by the government. In order to effect this end, it is indispensable that the people, or "the country," judge of and determine their own liberties against the government; instead of the government's judging of and determining its own powers over the people. How is it possible that juries can do anything to protect the liberties of the people against the government, if they are not allowed to determine what those liberties are?
Any government, that is its own judge of, and determines authoritatively for the people, what are its own powers over the people, is an absolute government of course. It has all the powers that it chooses to exercise. There is no other or at least no more accurate definition of a despotism than this.
On the other hand, any people, that judge of, and determine authoritatively for the government, what are their own liberties against the government, of course retain all the liberties they wish to enjoy. And this is freedom. At least, it is freedom to them; because, although it may be theoretically imperfect, it, nevertheless, corresponds to their highest notions of freedom.
Spooner opens his 1852 treatise with a bold claim: the trial by jury, as defined by Magna Carta, empowers jurors to judge the justice of laws, not merely the facts of a case. He immediately signals that this is a work of legal argument, not historical description, by asserting that any legislation conflicting with common law is invalid. The author's preface promises a future volume to further prove that legislatures have never been authorized to impair jury powers. Readers should expect a dense, citation-heavy text that weaves together medieval charters, chronicles, and legal commentaries to support a radical constitutional thesis.
The Author's Central Thesis and Its Stakes
Spooner's core argument is stated plainly in his opening note: juries have the right to judge the justice of laws, and no legislation in conflict with common law is valid. This is not a moderate position. He contends that in both England and the United States, legislatures have never been granted authority to impair jury powers, change juror oaths, or abridge jury jurisdiction. The stakes are high: if Spooner is correct, then much of modern statutory law is constitutionally subordinate to the consciences of common law juries. The book's structure reflects this ambition, with chapters dedicated to Magna Carta, the oaths of jurors and judges, and the coronation oath. Readers should note how Spooner uses historical evidence not merely to describe the past but to prescribe a legal standard for the present.
Historical Evidence of Judicial Corruption
Spooner marshals a battery of historians—Hume, Carte, Hallam, Lingard, Palgrave—to document the sale of justice under Norman and Angevin kings. He quotes Hallam's stinging remark that a law against selling, denying, or delaying justice 'stamps with infamy that government under which it had become necessary.' The excerpts include a detailed account from Palgrave of a litigant, Richard de Anesty, who paid thirty-six and a half marks to the king's physician, a hundred marks to the king, and a mark of gold to the queen to secure a favorable judgment. Another example describes Abbot Alfwine emptying 'twenty marks of gold into the sleeve of the Confessor' to win a land dispute. These anecdotes are not mere color; they serve to demonstrate the systemic corruption that Magna Carta was meant to remedy, and by extension, to argue that juries must retain independent judgment to prevent such abuses from recurring.
The Structure of Spooner's Argument
The table of contents reveals a methodical progression. Chapter I asserts the right of juries to judge the justice of laws. Chapter II defines trial by jury as set forth in Magna Carta, with sections on the charter's history and language. Chapter III offers additional proofs, including the weakness of regal authority, the nature of ancient juries as 'courts of conscience,' and the oaths of jurors and judges. Later chapters (not excerpted) presumably extend the argument to civil and criminal cases. Spooner's approach is cumulative: he piles up quotations from medieval and early modern authorities, treating each as a brick in an edifice of common law rights. Readers should pay attention to how he selects and frames his sources—he is not a neutral historian but an advocate building a case. The footnotes, moved to chapter ends in this edition, contain much of the supporting evidence.
Reading the Excerpts as a First-Time Reader
The excerpts provided give a clear sense of Spooner's method but only a partial view of his full argument. The opening note and preface establish the thesis and the promised future volume. The historical section on judicial corruption shows the problem Magna Carta addressed. But the core legal reasoning—how Spooner interprets the charter's language, what he makes of juror oaths, and how he connects these to modern practice—is only hinted at. A first reader should approach the book as a legal brief: expect repeated citations, logical syllogisms, and a relentless focus on first principles. Spooner writes with moral urgency, but his tone is that of a lawyer addressing a court. The excerpts suggest that the book rewards careful attention to its definitions and distinctions, especially the difference between common law and statutory law.
Spooner's essay is a work of constitutional advocacy, not a dispassionate history. Readers will benefit from keeping a copy of Magna Carta at hand and noting where Spooner's interpretation diverges from mainstream legal scholarship. The book's power lies in its uncompromising logic and its challenge to assumptions about the limits of jury authority. Whether or not one accepts his conclusions, the evidence he assembles forces a reconsideration of the jury's role in a democratic society.
Reading Spooner’s insistence that a jury can weigh the law itself, I remembered sitting on my grandfather’s porch, him arguing that common sense outranks any courtroom rule. It felt like the moment in The Illiterate Digest — Story, Setting & Ideas where folk wisdom quietly overrides official nonsense—not rebellion, just remembering what’s true. Both books left me trusting plain people more, and institutions a little less.
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